The
advancement of the computer age has introduced many new terms into our everyday
vocabulary, one of these words, “hacker,” has to do with deviance and crime. Popular
culture defines hackers as those who, through use of exceptional computer
skills, are able to break into the computers owned by banks and government
agencies. They snoop through information that does not belong to them, they
steal expensive software, and they transfer funds from bank account to bank
account.
Criminologists
have described hackers in the following terms: “electronic trespassers” or “electronic
vandals.” Hackers are recognized as “computer criminal.” They draw a
clear distinction between the joyriding hacker and the trusted white collar
employee who turns bad. Thus, we are seemingly left with a definition that has
two extremes. The modern day bank robber at one end, the trespassing teenager
at the other. Either activity (and any which falls in between) could be
classified as “hacking.”
Unfortunately,
the news media and the social scientific community has made little effort to
move beyond this definition. The problem is compounded not only by the little
information that is known about their daily activities, but by the fact that
what is known does not always fall under existing criminal labels. That is to
say, there is no legal definition of what it means to be a hacker, nor are all
their activities in violation of criminal law. This results in applications of
the term that change on a case-by-case basis depending on the charges that have
been filed, not on any clear understanding of what it is that they actually do.
In the
first connotation, hacking encompasses the tools and tricks used to obtain
valid user accounts on computer systems that would otherwise be unavailable to the
hacker. Once a successful entry is made, the illicit accounts are sometimes
shared with associates and described as being “freshly hacked.” This is the
stereotypical media image of the hacker — a computer-wise teenager, hunched
over his computer keyboard, endlessly searching for an un-used account or a
weak link in the security system. While this image is not entirely accurate, it
does fairly represent this aspect of the term hacking. The second dimension of
hacking has to do with the activity that occurs once access has been secured —
once a password has been “hacked out.” Since the system is being used without
permission, the hacker does not, generally speaking, have access to the usual
operating manuals and other resources that are available to legitimate users of
the system. Therefore, the intruder must experiment with command structures and
explore files in order to understand and effectively use the system, or simply
hacking a system.
The second
activity that we will discuss is phone phreaking. Usually called just “phreaking,”
which is a way to circumvent the billing mechanisms of the telephone company. It
allows one to call anywhere in the world, quite literally without cost. In many
cases it also prevents, or at least inhibits, the possibility of calls being
traced to their source, thereby helping the offender to avoid being caught. Most
members of the underground do not approach the telephone system with such
passion. They are simply interested in exploiting its weaknesses in order to
pursue other interests. In the above case, phreaking is more of a means than a
pursuit unto itself. A hacker’s goal is not just to break into the system, but
to learn about how it operates. The phreaker’s goal is not just to place long
distance calls for free, but to discover what the phone company won’t explain
about its network, and the tele-pirates goal is to obtain a copy of the latest
software for his computer. So, even if a particular individual is knowledgeable
about the telephone system, when he phreaks a call to download a game he is
acting as a tele-pirate.
The
phreak/hack worlds in particular are very much intertwined. The typologies
presented here are broad, and need to be refined, they are a step forward in
the accurate representation, specification, and identification of activities in
the computer underground.
Some
computers and software programs have known flaws that can be exploited. One of
the most complex of these is “IP spoofing” in which a computer connected to the
Internet can be tricked about the identity of another computer during the
process of receiving data from that computer. Perhaps most important of all is
the ability to “social engineer.” This can be as simple as talking people into
giving out their passwords by impersonating someone, stealing garbage in the
hope of gaining illicit information (trashing), or looking over someone’s
shoulder as they use their password (shoulder surfing). However, what makes an
intrusion a hack or an intruder a hacker is not the fact of gaining
illegitimate access to computers by any of these means, but a set of principles
about the nature of such intrusions. There three tenets that define a good
hack:
1)
simplicity — the act has to be simple but impressive;
2) mastery
— however simple it is, the act must derive from a sophisticated technical
expertise;
3) illicit
— the act must be against some legal, institutional or even just perceived
rules.
The key to
understanding computer intrusion in a world increasingly reliant on
computer-mediated communication lies in understanding a community whose aim is
the hack. This community makes complex computer intrusion possible and a
never-ending threat, through the limitless search for a good hack. This
community stands forever intentionally poised at the forefront of computer
communications and on the wrong side of what hackers see as dominant social and
cultural norms.
“(…)To find ‘hacker culture’ you have to take a very wide view of the
cyberspace terrain and watch the interactions among physically diversified
people who have in common a mania for machines and software. What you will find
will be a gossamer framework of culture. (…)” Marotta,
hacker, interview.
‘(…)Hackers share a certain appreciation of, or attitude to technology
in the assumption that technology can be turned to new and unexpected uses. This
attitude need not be confined to computer-mediated communication. Dutch hacker
Dell claimed to have explored the subterranean tunnels and elevator shafts of
Amsterdam, including government fallout shelters (Dell, hacker, interview),
while Utrecht
hacker Ralph argued that hacking “pertains to any field of technology. Like, if
you haven’t got a kettle to boil water with and you use your coffee machine to
boil water with, then that in my mind is a hack, because you are using
technology in a way that it’s not supposed to be used.” It is the belief that
technology can be bent to new, unanticipated purposes that underpins hackers’
collective imagination. (…)’
Hackers
are often pathologized as obsessed, isolated young men. The alien nature of
online life allows people to believe that hackers communicate more easily with
machines than humans, despite hackers constant use of computers to communicate
with other humans. Fear of the power of computers over our own lives underpins
this terror.
Acknowledgements
The Police Department;
https://www.politie.nl/mijnbuurt/politiebureaus/05/burgwallen.html and a Chief Inspector – Mr. Erik Akerboom
©
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